William E. Leuchtenburg, a historian whose books cemented the place of Franklin D. Roosevelt among the greatest American presidents, died on Tuesday at his home in Chapel Hill, NC. He was 102.
His death was confirmed by his friend and colleague John F. Kasson.
A prolific scholar whose writings stretched across eight decades — his first book, on the politics of flood control, appeared in 1953, and his final one, on the first six presidents of the United States, was published last year — Mr. Leuchtenburg helped Americans make sense of the head-spinning changes that had transformed their nation and the world within living memory.
Like his contemporaries Richard Hofstadter, Edmund S. Morgan, John M. Blum and Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. — a lifelong friend — Mr. Leuchtenburg shaped America’s conception of its past during the prosperous 1950s and ’60s. His orientation was broadly liberal and internationalist, though he anticipated and responded to criticisms of Roosevelt from the New Left and from the ascendant conservative movement.
The work generally regarded as his masterpiece is “Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932-1940,” published in 1963, which was awarded the Bancroft Prize by Columbia University and the Francis Parkman Prize by the Society of American Historians.
“He took an office which had lost much of its prestige and power in the previous 12 years and gave it an importance which went well beyond what even Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson had done,” Mr. Leuchtenburg wrote, chronicling the enormous growth of the federal government under Franklin Roosevelt, his innovative use of radio and newspaper reporters to communicate his message, and his ability to make Americans feel “the kind of trust they would normally express for a warm and understanding father who comforted them in their grief or safeguarded them from harm.”
Mr. Leuchtenburg did not brush aside the many problems of the New Deal: It failed to crush unemployment — only America’s entry into World War II in 1941 would do that — and it favored farmers, industrial workers and technocrats while excluding powerless groups like sharecroppers, urban slum dwellers and most African Americans. But he found that the New Deal — with its spirit of experimentation and pragmatism, and its orientation away from 19th-century individualism and toward collective action — helped save capitalism, and perhaps democracy itself.
Central to that achievement was Roosevelt.
“Roosevelt’s importance lay not in his talents as a campaigner or a manipulator,” Mr. Leuchtenburg wrote. “It lay rather in his ability to arouse the country and, more specifically, the men who served under him, by his breezy encouragement of experimentation, by his hopefulness, and — a word that would have embarrassed some of his lieutenants — by his idealism.”
His other major books include “The Perils of Prosperity, 1914-1932” (1958), which traces the United States’ transformation from an agrarian, moralistic, isolationist nation into an industrial, liberal and engaged power involved in foreign affairs in spite of itself; and “The Supreme Court Reborn: The Constitutional Revolution in the Age of Roosevelt” (1995), about the events surrounding the 1937 constitutional crisis set off by Roosevelt’s effort to expand the court to as many as 15 justices. That plan was ultimately defeated, but only after the court shifted its jurisprudence to be more open to legislation regulating business activities.
William Edward Leuchtenburg was born in New York City — in Ridgewood, which straddles the Brooklyn-Queens border — on Sept. 28, 1922. His father, William, was a German American post office worker; his mother, Lauretta C. (McNamara) Leuchtenburg, had immigrated from Ireland as an infant. The younger William’s fascination with Washington came early: At age 12, he rode a Greyhound bus for nine hours to visit the White House, the Capitol and the recently built Supreme Court building.
Mr. Leuchtenburg grew up in several Queens neighborhoods — Woodhaven, Astoria, Woodside and Elmhurst — and graduated from Newtown High School, in Elmhurst, in 1939. He attended Cornell University, partly on scholarships he had won.
At Cornell, he got a job cleaning test tubes for 30 cents an hour (a little under $7 today), via the National Youth Administration, part of the alphabet soup of agencies established under the New Deal. After graduating in 1943, he enrolled in Columbia, where he received his Ph.D. in 1951.
Mr. Leuchtenburg taught for three decades at Columbia and then for two more at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he was an emeritus professor at his death.
He was never confined to the ivory tower. He was a New England field representative from 1945 to 1946 for a national council seeking to permanently ban racial discrimination in federal employment; served as a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in 1952; and joined other historians in marching to Montgomery, Ala., with the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in 1965. He was active in Americans for Democratic Action, the liberal and anti-communist group that Eleanor Roosevelt helped found.
He also found time to serve as an election analyst for NBC News, first with the anchors Chet Huntley and David Brinkley, then with John Chancellor. And he joined lawsuits to stop President Richard M. Nixon from destroying the Watergate tapes and to keep Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger from sequestering transcripts of official phone conversations.
In 1987, Mr. Leuchtenburg testified against Robert H. Bork’s nomination to the Supreme Court. He contributed to Ken Burns’s documentaries on the Civil War and baseball, and he selected the quotations carved into the granite of the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial in Washington, which opened in 1997.
Mr. Leuchtenburg’s first marriage, to Jean McIntire, ended in divorce. He married Jean Anne Williams in the mid-1980s. She survives, as do three sons from his first marriage, Christopher, Joshua and Thomas, along with several grandchildren and great-grandchildren.
Over his career, Mr. Leuchtenburg served as president of the Organization of American Historians, the Society of American Historians and the American Historical Association.
In his 1991 presidential address to the American Historical Association, he urged historians to engage with the public, but to do so carefully. “When we do speak out, and we should choose those times wisely, we must take care to distinguish between doing so as historians and doing so simply as politically active citizens,” he said.
“Above all,” he added, “we should take care not to create an atmosphere in the classroom in which views that diverge from our own cannot freely be voiced, and we should respect the rights of others in the profession to express beliefs contrary to our own or to remain silent.”
Mr. Leuchtenburg published “In the Shadow of F.D.R.,” about Roosevelt’s legacy for future presidents, in 1983, and he updated the book several times, taking it up to the administration of President Barack Obama. His last book, “Patriot Presidents: From George Washington to John Quincy Adams,” came out in July.
“No one before Roosevelt had so dominated the political culture of his day, if for no other reason than that no one before him had been in the White House for so long,” Mr. Leuchtenburg wrote, “and in the process he created the expectation that the chief executive would be a primary shaper of his times — an expectation with which each of his successors has had to deal.”
He found that those successors did not quite match up.
“A millworker in South Carolina once said, ‘Franklin Roosevelt is the only president we’ve ever had who understands that my boss is a son of a gun,’” Mr. Leuchtenburg said in an interview with C-SPAN in 2010, during the Obama administration. “Obama has for some reason not been able to convey that same sense, that he knows what it is to be down and out, to be unemployed month after month after month with no prospect in sight. Why he’s not able to make that connection isn’t clear to me.”
He was also critical of President Trump in early 2017, only weeks after Mr. Trump’s inauguration.
“We really have no precedent for a chief executive with this sort of temperament — so careless about his statements, so quick to take offense,” Mr. Leuchtenburg told the North Carolina website NC Newsline. “There is concern not just here at home but abroad, as I know from letters I’m getting from historians, particularly in Europe. There is great alarm about how irresponsible the man seems.”
He compared Mr. Trump to President Nixon, who was forced to resign in the wake of the Watergate crisis.
“Among other things,” he said, “Nixon would sometimes espouse the ‘madman theory.’ That if he convinced his foes overseas that there’s almost anything this man might do, they might be willing to make concessions.”
Sewell Chan, a former reporter for The Times, is executive editor of The Columbia Journalism Review. Ash Wu contributed reporting.
